Indian NSA Doval Urges Young Hindus to Take Revenge on Muslims

In a recent speech to young Hindus in New Delhi, the Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval urged his audience to "avenge history". He talked about the looting and destruction of Hindu temples and many centuries humiliation suffered by Indians. Though he did not specifically say it, there was no doubt in the minds of his audience that he was talking about invaders like Mahmud of Ghazni, an Afghan Muslim ruler, who is said to have destroyed a Hindu temple in Somnath.

Indian Prime Minister Modi (Left) with NSA Ajit Doval

Anti-Muslim rhetoric like Doval’s has made Indian Muslims fear for their lives. It has also put India among top countries with greatest likelihood of mass atrocities, and raised security concerns among India’s neighbors. In its latest warning, the US Holocaust Museum has put three countries scoring higher than India. Myanmar holds the top spot, followed by Chad and Sudan. However, many high-ranking nations including Myanmar and Sudan are already dealing with ongoing mass killings, making India’s position particularly noteworthy as a potential new flashpoint.

For those interested in real history, it is important to understand that eminent Hindu Indian historian Romila Thapar has rejected the Hindu-Muslim framing of the destruction of Somnath. In her book "Somatha", she challenges the simplified story of purely Hindu victims and Muslim invaders, focusing on local Indian sources such as inscriptions, merchant biographies and court epics to reconstruct events. Other sources indicate that several Hindus, including Hindu generals, were part of Ghaznavi's army.  Some sources also cite that Arab Muslim traders who had settled in Gujarat during the 8th and 9th century died to protect the Somnath temple against Ghaznavi's Army.

Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, demonized by Hindu Nationalists, employed several high-ranking Hindu generals, most notably Raja Jai Singh I (of Amber) and Maharaja Jaswant Singh (of Marwar), who served as powerful mansabdars (military commanders) and held significant administrative posts, commanding large forces and participating in key campaigns against rivals like Shivaji Maharaj and Dara Shikoh. 

Shivaji Maharaj, held by the Hindu Nationalists as an icon of Hindu resistance against Muslims, was crowned as the king despite opposition from local Brahmins. He had several Muslim generals in his army. In fact, he employed people of all castes and religions, including Muslims.

Hindu kings often attacked and looted temples built by other Hindu kings for the wealth stored inside the idols. Just three years before Ghaznavi's raid on Somnath in 1022,  a general under Rajendra I, Maharaja of the Chola empire (848–1279) marched 1,600 kilometers north from the Cholas’ royal capital of Tanjavur. Chola warriors defeated Mahipala, maharaja of the Pala empire (c.750–1161), who was the dominant power in India’s easternmost region of Bengal. The Chola's celebrated their victory by carrying off a bronze image of the deity Shiva, which they seized from a royal temple that Mahipala had patronized. In the course of this long campaign, the invaders also took from the Kalinga Raja of Orissa images of Bhairava, Bhairavi and Kali. These, together with precious gems looted from the Pala king, were taken down to the Chola capital as war booty.  This raises the question: Why is Mahmud Ghaznavi demonized but not Rajendra Chola's plunder of Hindu temples?

The real history contradicts Doval's assertion that Hindus have never invaded others, ignoring the fact that an unprecedented number of people were killed in the Kalinga massacre by emperor Ashoka. He also did not mention how the Buddhist and Jain temples were destroyed and Hindu temples built on  their ruins. nor did he acknowledge the long-running and ongoing oppression of Hindus  by Hindus in the name of caste

Ajit Doval does not appear to be a serious man worthy of holding the sensitive office of India's national security advisor. He has no sense of history, nor does he understand how damaging his speech is for a diverse country like India. By parroting the divisive Hindutva narrative, Doval has alienated not only Indian Muslims but also India's neighbors. He is a total failure. India's failed national security policy is hurting India and Indians more than anyone else. 

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Comment by Riaz Haq 3 hours ago

A new Indian foreign policy consensus is emerging. That India isn’t a great power yet
After exuberance, India must now not only take difficult and costly steps toward industrialisation, but also convert growth into geo-economic leverage and military modernisation.
Sidharth Raimedhi


https://youtu.be/SgRKrybkJZs?si=SBh0i2Ir_3xHKolh

https://theprint.in/opinion/indian-foreign-policy-consensus-great-p...


After exuberance, India must now not only take difficult and costly steps toward industrialisation, but also convert growth into geo-economic leverage and military modernisation.


A new consensus in Indian foreign and strategic policy thinking has emerged over the past year. It holds that, despite various proclamations, India is not yet a great power, and that its status as a rising power should not be taken for granted either.

Accordingly, India should focus on costly reforms to establish the long-term foundations of power, rather than limiting its policy options to short-term diplomatic or strategic moves. If anything, these priorities require greater restraint and caution in foreign policy, rather than expansion or overt great-power assertion.

Whereas the evolving foreign policy consensus in the US has, understandably, hogged much of the attention in recent months, what is more easily missed is a parallel shift in India’s own broad policy framework, toward what can be termed ‘post-exuberance realism’. As a country’s foreign policy environment becomes more contested and multi-dimensional, it is only logical that its strategic culture adapts accordingly. The shift, therefore, is unsurprising.

The external drivers of post-exuberance realism

As argued earlier, shifts in key equations among the great powers, and in their respective equations with Delhi, have left India occupying a much diminished geopolitical sweet spot from which to bargain. As External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has argued, changes in the global order have made India’s relationships with the system’s major powers — China, Russia, and the US — far more challenging and complex than they were in 2019. Indeed, 2025 proved to be a sobering year for Indian foreign policy. It saw China’s ‘DeepSeek’ moment and a growing appreciation in India of Beijing’s breakneck ascent toward superpower status. In particular, China demonstrated its ability to threaten industrial supply chains in the US, as well as key sectors of the Indian economy, through its still-evolving and coercive rare-earth export control licensing regime.

The year also saw Washington brusquely abandon India-US strategic convergence and pivot toward a softer reconciliation with China, driven by economic rationale but carrying strong strategic implications for Asia’s future. Trump’s trade war against India further exposed New Delhi’s limited stock of deployable geo-economic leverage vis-à-vis both China and the US. As external bottlenecks have hardened, India has been forced to finally confront internal constraints, evident in recent efforts to boost domestic demand and push labour law reforms.

Meanwhile, India was also confronted with the extent of the maturation of the China-Pakistan strategic and defence relationship in May last year, during Operation Sindoor — something that had faded from public consciousness since 2019-20. China’s continued infrastructure development along the LAC, combined with its growing economic leverage over India, has enabled Beijing to underwrite trilateral cooperation with Afghanistan and Bangladesh, with Pakistan on its side in both cases. The emergence of Turkey as a military ally and defence supplier to several states in the Indian Ocean region has not escaped attention either. Together, these developments necessitate a sober reckoning with the structural weaknesses in India’s armaments policy, as well as a measure of military restraint in the short term. India’s Chief of Defence Staff, General Anil Chauhan, appeared to allude to this last week when he emphasised the need to avoid “attritional warfare” amid increasing geopolitical uncertainty.

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