Comment by Riaz Haq on December 7, 2022 at 6:08pm

HOW ROADS CHANGED THARPARKAR


by Arif Hasan

https://www.dawn.com/news/1714144


Climate change is also affecting agricultural production in Tharparkar. Rain patterns have already changed, and this is affecting cropping patterns and will eventually also affect the technology of production. Fertiliser and pesticide has also increased and, with the use of the tractor, it is also destroying friendly insects and the soil. With increasing urbanization, the land under cultivation is also decreasing.

Education

There is a growing desire among young people to give up farming, although their elders find it difficult to come to terms with this reality. But farming and herding has to be replaced by something. To that end, the younger generation feels that they need to be trained as electricians, plumbers and tailors, and learn how to use industrial machines. This, they feel, would equip them for work in the urban markets of Sindh and beyond.

In every village visited, education was a priority, but it was claimed that at most only 50 per cent of the village children go to school. One of the reasons given for such low attendance is that, in most cases, there were no female teachers and not enough male teachers. There was also a lack of sufficient classrooms.

With the building of roads, the villagers are now more willing to send their children to school, including girls, since schools are easier to access. In case there are no schools in the village, they are even willing to send their children to the school of the neighbouring village. This holds especially true for villages that do not have middle and high schools.

However, they do not want to send their girls for higher school education to Mithi if it means living in a hostel. Living with relatives is also becoming impossible, since extended family relations were “not what they used to be.” This is in marked contrast to what a number of villages had demanded in 1998, that the government establish hostel facilities for girls at the taluka headquarters. Maybe this change is because of increased insecurity, given the anarchy that exists in other parts of Sindh.

With the building of roads, better incomes and contacts with the urban centres of Sindh, a demand for private schools has also risen and a number of them are operating today. Private schools have never been discussed earlier and nor has there been, to the best of Thari intellectuals and activists, a demand for them. But the demand has increased and a number of private schools are operating today.

In the opinion of Dr Khatau Mal, a prominent Thari intellectual, Thar needs O and A Level schools, so as to produce an elite that is at par with the elite of Sindh’s urban areas, and which will help them get into important decision-making jobs in the province and at the centre. Dr Khatau gave the example of a similar process followed in the Punjab and KP [Khyber Pakhtunkhwa], which helped in poverty alleviation and in the creation of an involved middle class. The counter-argument to this is that, once educated, the middle class would prefer to live in Karachi, Hyderabad and Islamabad, and only come back to Thar when it’s time to die.

A number of Thari activists have also argued that the migration of the potential middle class from the rural to urban areas will be a loss to the village, because it is this middle class that is the voice of the village. If they migrate, then only the landlord and the poor peasant would remain.

Another question that was raised was that people migrate in search of better education and facilities, business opportunities and professional jobs — can they not be provided in Mithi?

It was also pointed out, naming names, that the children of many Tharis who had studied in Karachi and Hyderabad abandoned Thar. It was further said that some sort of major investment in industry was needed to create professional and high-end jobs in the desert, with priority of employment given to the residents of Thar.

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 7, 2022 at 6:09pm

HOW ROADS CHANGED THARPARKAR


by Arif Hasan

https://www.dawn.com/news/1714144


The old parts of the taluka headquarters in Tharparkar were segregated by caste. The lower castes, who cleaned the town and lifted the excreta, lived in the outskirts and wastewater and sewage was dumped in the depressions. Brick-paved open drains carried the sewage and wastewater to their disposal points. The neighbourhoods were clean simply because of the presence of a hereditary professional caste, whose job it was to keep them clean. This has changed to a great extent, because of large-scale rural-urban migration within Thar especially in the last 20 years.

With the building of roads and markets at some distance from the old neighbourhoods, new shopping areas, bus terminals, storage facilities and eating places have developed. With Tharparkar becoming a district in 1990, government and semi-government buildings, hotels, guest houses and government residential accommodation have also been built away from the old neighbourhoods. So one can say that, while the old town still exists, it is in a state of decay, and the new town, which has not been really built so far, is developing without a cohesive planning strategy.

The other visible change is the expansion of settlements on the periphery and within Mithi and Islamkot. Google Maps show that Mithi’s spread has increased by over 200 per cent since 2012 and there has also been considerable densification of the existing built form. The construction boom is so large that steel for reinforced concrete construction, when this note was first written in 2014, was short in supply. Contractors also claimed that local timber for traditional construction was no longer available due to deforestation.

The new settlements are established by enterprising individuals who occupy state land, subdivide it, and sell it to the migrants. Increasingly, however, groups of up to 50 households organise to occupy and settle land on the immediate periphery of the urban areas. Before moving on to the land, they find out about its status and make preparations of dealing with any problem that is likely to surface during the process of occupation.

The support of an influential in the process and the large number of persons involved in settling provide the necessary security from eviction. Once the settlement is established, they lobby with their elected representatives for a road link and electricity and promise their votes in return. These unplanned, randomly located settlements are an ecological disaster that will be a nightmare for future planners.

There is a need to document and direct this development so that the towns of Thar do not face the same problems as the towns of the rest of Sindh do today. For documentation purposes and planning, mid-level expertise is required and, hence, the establishment of a mapping and survey school and a polytechnic institute would be helpful.

Migrants give different reasons for migrating. One reason was that, in the village, the landlord made life difficult for them because, unlike their ancestors, they were not willing to do beygaar for them. Also, unlike conditions in the villages, they could do cash-paid work on a daily basis, educate their children, and become azaad [free]. All those spoken to had no intention of going back.

Excerpt reproduced with permission from Tharparkar: Drought, Development and Social Change by Arif Hasan, published in 2022 by Ushba Publishing International

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 11, 2022 at 4:30pm

NON-FICTION: THE DESERT TRANSFORMED

https://www.dawn.com/news/1724585

Tharparkar: Drought, Development, and Social Change
By Arif Hasan
Ushba, Karachi
ISBN: 978-9699154553
436pp.

In his new book Tharparkar: Drought, Development, and Social Change, architect and city planner Arif Hasan has captured — in the simple yet powerful writing style so familiar to his readers — his long association with this district of Sindh. The association stretches over decades, through his engagement in various projects, formal commissions by several institutions and informal baithaks [meetings] with Thari individuals and communities.

The book is structured clearly and presents facts, observations and analyses in a cohesive and convincing way. It is part academic article, part technical report and part travelogue and memoir. The book comprises three distinct sections, labelled ‘Drought’, ‘Development’ and ‘Social Change’.

The first section explores the conditions that led to the drought of 1987 and describes Hasan’s visits to Tharparkar to document the impacts of this phenomenon on local communities and economies.

Section Two details the Thar Rural Development Project (TRDP) — how it was formulated as a policy outcome of the 1987 drought, the socio-economic and spatial changes it proposed, and the interventions it (un)successfully brought about.

Section Three describes the more recent changes within Tharparkar as a result of new roads, increased tourism and the impacts of the Thar Coal project, and speculates what this spells for the future of Thar, not just as a physical region, but also as a culture, an imaginary and a policy deliverable for the government of Sindh.

In exploring the reasons behind Thar’s present conditions, Hasan mentions two specific disjunctures in the region’s social history: Partition, which violently ruptured the broader regional associations between families and communities; and the more recent Thar Coal project, which has brought about unprecedented disruption at multiple levels.

The coal project has caused both physical and spatial changes as well as social and domestic changes, such as forcing those displaced by coal-mining to move into a vivarium of cosmetic housing typologies — supposed to mimic authentic communities, but considered inappropriate by the villagers — built by the Sindh Engro Coal Mining Company (SECMC), which is a joint venture between the Sindh government and the Engro Corporation.

Hasan’s book creates a chronologically structured narrative that is personal as well as an attempt to provide an objective account of the changes that have taken place in Tharparkar. The author describes the physical features of 1980s’ Thar — its topography, water resources, vegetation and livestock economy — which sets up a basic understanding of the context for the lay reader to situate the socio-political implications of the climatic factors described ahead.

Today, this description reads like an archive of invaluable recollections: Hasan exoticises the Thar of that era, when the region was “another world” where “foxes and porcupines crossed the road” and “timings were determined by the stars and shadows cast by sunlight.” Perhaps it was these fond early memories that lured him to keep returning to Thar over the next three decades.

By being engaged in Thar for such a long time, Hasan was able to catch the earliest signs of how road and trade links to urban Sindh altered the cognitions and aspirations of the Thari communities, and how this reflected in the ways they started to dress, talk and conduct trade. He witnessed — first-hand, as well as through detailed conversations with locals — how the priorities of the Tharis started to shift: from a passionate attachment to tradition, to a curiosity for new technologies, products and services such as standardised education.

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 11, 2022 at 4:31pm

NON-FICTION: THE DESERT TRANSFORMED

https://www.dawn.com/news/1724585

Tharparkar: Drought, Development, and Social Change
By Arif Hasan

Book Review by Adam Abdullah

As the region’s economy started to integrate with that of wider Sindh during the 1980s and 1990s, a number of other visible changes also began taking place, notably in the spatial expansion of traditional markets and the upgrading of housing materials and structures within smaller towns.

Hence, Hasan emphasises how the 1987 famine should be attributed not only to episodic droughts but, more importantly, to these social, economic and demographic shifts in the lives of the desert dwellers, which compounded the effects of the drought to create famine-like conditions for particular populations.

He stresses how, traditionally, Thar and its population had been able to withstand severe climatic conditions by relying on embedded knowledges and practices, and by extending support through rural social networks that had only recently begun to dissociate as people began to “urbanise”, leaving communities vulnerable against sudden natural disasters.

A prominent strength of the book is the detailed appendices that make up its second half, providing data sources and terms of reference and agreements between the various agencies working in Thar, as well as route plans and schedules of field visits conducted by Hasan’s own team. These tables and diagrams set up a replicable methodology in terms of identifying data-generating organisations, the logistics of fieldwork and the kinds of secondary sources that could supplement similar fieldwork in the future.

The book also presents interesting ways to organise and methodise rural ethnography. Although this is not an explicitly stated aim, it provides the tools and a replicable audit trail that might be helpful for a new generation of scholars in urban and rural anthropology.

Despite not being formally structured as an ethnographic manual with memos, notes and active journaling, it gives rich insights into fieldwork, route-planning, active engagement and the contingencies of data collection that can be of immense value for new researchers, field workers, mappers and writers in economics, development studies and social policy, who may be planning to venture into rural Sindh.

However, there is at least one downside: the photographs included within are all black-and-white and of low contrast. This makes it difficult to appreciate visually the incredibly rich details of the mandirs [temples], communal practices and the desertscape, as well as the damaging impacts of the coal project.

Those of us fortunate enough to have visited Tharparkar at least once would fondly recall from hazy memory its desaturated greens, dusky browns and paling yellows; shaky mirages over the horizon; and the fading of thatch roof into sand dune. With black-and-white photographs, all of that chromatic bliss is left only to the memory — or imagination — of the reader.

Another minor shortcoming is that the appendices on demographic growth are cited directly from the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics in their original format. Perhaps processing these into visual graphs would have provided instantly readable snapshots of demographic trends of the particular decades under discussion.

Tharparkar’s changing region constitutes a critical moment in the urbanisation story of Sindh, in not just the changes to the province’s rural economies and socio-cognitive and lifestyle patterns, but also in the stories of the rapid growth of its secondary towns, peripheral urbanisation and spillover externalities, such as unregulated land use.

Researching Thar presents an opportunity for those planning our rural and urban policies to connect more deeply with the field, listen closely to stories from the ground and formulate not just more effective policy trajectories, but also contingency-based plans for unprecedented climatic or economic events that will keep surfacing as development propelled by coal extraction continues in this region.

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 11, 2022 at 4:31pm

NON-FICTION: THE DESERT TRANSFORMED

https://www.dawn.com/news/1724585

Tharparkar: Drought, Development, and Social Change
By Arif Hasan

Book Review by Adam Abdullah

For Hasan, Tharparkar demands a long-term policy commitment, requiring deep and persistent embeddedness in the field. Thar cannot be a one-time, grant-led, project-based solution and “the creation of new and viable social institutions” should underlie all attempts to develop Thar.

In this, Hasan posits a strong hope for the “communal” aspect of Tharparkar, that eventually Thari individuals and communities might be able to absorb and assimilate the new knowledge, technologies and lifestyle changes for the betterment of the region, and not to its further degradation.

He also hopes they would be able to hold off the onslaught of external entrepreneurs, investors and land developers who would wish to terraform the region into a cluster of monotonous housing schemes, bland commercial nuclei and generic leisure zones.

The reviewer is Associate Director, Karachi Urban Lab, and teaches Urban Studies at the Institute of Business Administration, Karachi. He tweets @a8junea

Published in Dawn, Books & Authors, December 4th, 2022

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 15, 2022 at 8:06am

The Thar coal power project has started generating 1,320 MW on a trial basis and the electricity would soon become part of national grid, a senior official said on Sunday.

https://www.dawn.com/news/1725886/another-thar-coal-power-plant-sta...

“The test production of 1,320 MW has successfully been started,” Sindh Energy Minister Imtiaz Sheikh said in a statement issued on Sunday.

“This production plant is being run in cooperation with Shanghai Electric. The fresh production of power supply would soon be included in national grid. The power plants of Engro and Hub Power are already contribution 660 MW each in the national grid,” he said.

Only last week, the federal government had announced that the first unit of the Shanghai Electric’s coal-based power plant has been connected to the national grid.

The development was shared by Federal Minister for Power Khurram Dastgir Khan, who termed it the fruit of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) initiative.

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 15, 2022 at 8:07am

As Pakistan’s energy import bill touched an exorbitant $27 billion, Prime Minister (PM) Shehbaz Sharif underlined the need to explore indigenous resources including hydel, solar, air and coal to produce cheap electricity.

https://tribune.com.pk/story/2390979/cpec-fruit-1320mw-project-init...

Federal Minister for Power Khurram Dastgir Khan stated that a 1,320MW project has been initiated by the Shanghai Electric Group in Thar to use indigenous coal for electricity production.

“The plants have been connected to the national grid,” and that the initiative “was borne from the fruit of CPEC projects,” he observed.

Pakistan is suffering from the impact of the greenhouse effect, so green power generation is the trend. PM Sharif also revealed that the incumbent government has prepared a plan to generate 10,000MW of electricity through solar energy.

“We know that Pakistan is rich in solar and wind resources,” said Wang Haowei from Shanghai Electric, the Business Manager of the Zhang Jiakou Green Power Project. “The installed capacity of the project is 150 MW wind power, 30 MW photovoltaic power and 10 MW energy storage.”

Comment by Riaz Haq on December 16, 2022 at 9:38am

IMF program in Pakistan undermines renewable energy roll-out - Bretton Woods Project

https://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/2022/04/imf-programme-in-pakist...

The unprecedented rise in solar photovoltaic (PV) installations in Pakistan’s off-grid and weak grid regions in recent years has been a windfall for vulnerable communities. Buoyed by the GOP’s decision to waive taxes on solar products in 2014, the growth reflects solar’s suitability for powering tube wells, water pumps and purification systems for drinking water and irrigation in remote and water-stressed areas. The primary beneficiaries of this boom have been poor farming communities – especially women – who have historically struggled with access to electricity and water. Solar technology, however, is still a largely import-based market, and growth is likely to be slowed with users unable to meet higher prices.

Comment by Riaz Haq on July 7, 2023 at 7:08pm

Chinese companies help in improving social sector


https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/1086783-chinese-companies-help-in-...

Islamabad: Chinese companies have enhanced their role in social development of Pakistan, while addressing the country’s economic and development issues. The companies are an integral part of CPEC. They are the torch bearer of this flagship project of BRI. They are not only helping Pakistan overcome its infrastructure problems but also investing in social development, skills, and environmental protection in Pakistan. All Chinese companies are investing in social development, but only a few have been selected for discussion, a report carried by Gwadar Pro. The Chinese companies not only helped to create thousands of jobs but also invested in building the capacity of hundreds of engineers and staff members.

According to available data, Huaneng Shandong Rui Group, which built the Sahiwal coal power invested in 622 employees for building their capacity and sharpen their skills. Further segregation of data shows that 245 engineers were trained following the need for required skills at plants. Port Qasim also contributed to building the capacity of engineers and staff members. Data shows that 2,600 employees benefited from the capacity-building and skill development opportunities offered by the Port Qasim plant. It trained 600 engineers and 2,000 general staff members.

It is a huge number, especially in the engineering category. It will help Pakistan; as Pakistan has a shortage of qualified and trained engineers. These companies also assisted Pakistan during floods and COVID-19. Second, the Chinese Overseas Port Holding Company (COPHC) is another Chines company, which is investing in social development. The major contribution of COPHC is in the sectors of education, waste management, environmental protection, and the provision of food.

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