Kashmir: Farooq Abdullah Lauds Pakistan's Diplomatic Support

Speaking at an event in the Indian Occupied Kashmir, veteran Kashmiri leader Farooq Abdullah has lauded Pakistan's support for Kashmiris' rights. “They (Indian leaders in Delhi) are silent today because there is noise in the world, and our neighbor (Pakistan) is constantly behind this. Everywhere they say, ‘the decision regarding Kashmir has not been made’. That is what is saving us. Otherwise, their intentions are not good", he said.  He warned that Kashmiris risked losing their identity if they failed to stand up for themselves. “If you don’t keep it, you will be erased. Even our trace and identity will disappear. Nothing will be left,” he said. Abdullah's remarks here are a reference to the Modi government's attempts to erase Kashmiris' distinct identity through the abrogation of articles 370 and 35A of the Indian constitution which recognize Kashmir's special status. 

Kashmiri Leader Farooq Abdullah


On August 5, 2019, India's Hindu Nationalist government revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status and dissolved Article 35A, which previously empowered the local legislature to define "permanent residents" and restrict land ownership to locals. Critics and organizations like the All Parties Hurriyat Conference argue that lifting these protections opens the region to demographic engineering, land acquisition by outsiders, and the dilution of the indigenous Muslim-majority character, leading to settler colonialism. 

When the people of the occupied territories protested against the changes, the BJP government in Delhi responded with brutal military force. Extended lockdowns and Internet shutdowns were imposed in the world's most militarized region with over half a million Indian troops. 
Prior to Abdullah's remarks, the International Crisis Group published a detailed report on Kashmir, essentially repeating what Pakistan has long been saying: Kashmir is the oldest unresolved international dispute involving two nuclear-armed nations, and its solution, in accordance with UN Resolutions, remains pending. Militant resistance to such brutal force was mislabeled as "cross-border terrorism sponsored by Pakistan". These allegations were followed by what Modi called "Operation Sindoor" with unprovoked strikes inside Pakistan in May, 2025. 

On Kashmiris perception of Pakistani support for their cause, the Crisis Group reported as follows: 

“These (2025) clashes were traumatic for many Indians, particularly in regions which endured missile and drone strikes for the first time. Many Kashmiris experienced it differently, however.  Seeing Pakistani drones in their skies, hovering above and firing upon Indian military installations in the region, seems to have made an impression on local people. The display of Pakistan's military capabilities on the first day of the conflict, when it allegedly shot down several Indian fighter jets, likewise had a notable effect on local public opinion. ‘The May conflict countered post-2019 hopelessness that Pakistan is not interested in Kashmir,’ a Srinagar resident observed.”

“For many Kashmiris, the fact that the clampdown was the work of a government led by the ... BJP gave it an unmistakable hue of religious discrimination”, the report added.  “New Delhi’s uncompromising measures have fueled anger in Kashmir while seemingly failing to eradicate [militant] groups”. 

The report highlights India's failed attempt to engineer peace by cracking down heavily on Kashmiri resistance through collective punishment and by arming the Hindu population in the form of Village Defense Guards (VDGs). Novel means such as demographic engineering through new domicile and land purchase laws, enabling massive inflows of Hindus from the mainland, were also introduced.

Here's India's JNU Professor speaking about illegal Indian occupation of Kashmir, Manipur and Nagaland:

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Comment by Riaz Haq 2 hours ago

Narendra Modi and the battle for India

Discrimination against Muslims in Modi’s India 

Under Mr Modi India has become more brash, nationalistic and Hindu, and, bluntly, a more forbidding place for the country’s 200m Muslims (just under a seventh of the population). This is the most controversial part of his legacy. It is also where opposition to Mr Modi has been least effective.

The most visible change is that Mr Modi has fused religious nationalism with politics. As prime minister he has regularly taken part in ceremonies and rituals—above all the consecration of the Ram Temple on the site of a former mosque in Ayodhya, fulfilling a decades-long campaign. The bjp has pushed through citizenship laws and begun to overhaul Muslim family law. Although the word “secular” remains in the constitution, Mr Modi has damaged the principle that India is a republic that treats all religions equally.

This is unlikely to be reversed. “Hindutva [Hindu-ness] is still a powerful magnet for the middle class,” says Rajdeep Sardesai, a tv anchor and political analyst. bjp chief ministers have emulated Mr Modi—and taken his ideology to new extremes. Opposition politicians have joined in “temple hopping” and “soft Hindutva”. The Cockroach Janta Party (cjp), the youth movement at the centre of the protests, has notably steered clear of religious issues.

Since his fateful first year as chief minister in Gujarat, Mr Modi has fostered a culture of permissiveness around anti-Muslim bigotry and violence. bjp politicians call Muslims “infiltrators” and “encroachers” and issue threats against them. Communal violence has continued to fall from its peak in the 1980s, a period marred by regular bloody riots. But there has been a rise in targeted attacks on Muslims by vigilante groups, which often meet with impunity. This will be the most damaging part of Mr Modi’s legacy—and it, too, will be difficult to reverse.

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